From the early days of ILWU, founded by a card-carrying
communist Harry Bridges, to the public sector unions of today, which are
bankrupting city halls and statehouses throughout the country, the Modern Labor
Movement has succeeded itself into abject failure.

ILWU Founder, Communist Harry Bridges
The ILWU was born out of force, as local unions banded
together to attack “scabs” in Los Angeles, then hold an entire city hostage (San
Francisco). Later, public sector unions fought for collective bargaining
entitlements in the late 1950s, beginning in the Progressive state of
Wisconsin, then working throughout the United States, where right-to-work laws
had not precluded these associations.

A free society is based on voluntary trade and transactions.
Unions are founded on force and violence. Individuals are forced to join,
forced to pay dues, and forced to watch as their leaders spend the coerced
funds on candidates and causes, regardless of the thoughts, feelings, or
opinions of the individual member.

Workers may form voluntary associations, per the First
Amendment, yet the power to compel membership from members, and then wages,
benefits, salary increases at the expense of the consumer or the taxpayer is
not a right, nor should be protected. The matter of force in relation to labor unions simply cannot be ignored,
and in a free society, based on a social compact of freedom and respect, labor
disruptions cannot be tolerated. The taxpayers never have a direct say in the
negotiations between politician and employee, either. While private sector
unions strike against private companies, their efforts oftentimes support the
same political figures who promote big government at the expense of individual
liberty and economic prudence.

Labor Economist
William Hutt
Following the extensive, professional, yet too-long
neglected economic studies of London-born William Harold Hutt, a student or
professional of labor will find Hutt’s work The Theory of Collective Bargaining (1930) compelling and startling. Contrary to the
assumption of labor leaders, employees are not at a disadvantage in the
worker-client relationship. Further research from Hutt confirmed that strike-threats
actually distort the labor market, driving up consumer costs arbitrarily, while
inadvertently forcing people out work, as well as potentially crippling
businesses and forcing them to close.

A Democratic
President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, championed the labor movement, but refused
to recognize the right of public sector employees to organize and bargain
collectively. The President of the AFL-CIO, Samuel Gompers, ultimately agreed with
the progressive statist chief executive, although he had challenged
Massachusetts Governor Calvin Coolidge’s decision to call out the national
guard during the 1919 Boston Police strike.

Coolidge’s sharp
rebuttal to Gompers deserves repeating:

There is no right to strike against the public
safety by anybody, anywhere, any time.

Another
Democratic President, Jimmy Carter, shared this sentiment, that by executive
order he barred federal employees from creating collective bargaining units.
The next President, Ronald Reagan, warned the striking federal traffic control
workers in 1981 to return to their jobs or be terminated. The assembly line of
government cannot stop, Reagan reminded the controllers, shortly after his
inauguration.  They refused, and Reagan
fired them unilaterally.

Hostess Foods, Bankrupted
By Collective Bargaining
Since 9-11, however, local and statewide leaders were willing
to grant lavish salaries, pensions, and benefits to public workers, especially
police and fire, in recognition of their efforts. Private unions were already
struggling, however, as large corporations discovered the ease of a global
economy providing better venues for more profits, minus sclerotic worker rules
and prolix collective bargaining agreements (consider the fate of Hostess
Foods, for example).

From the 2002 ILWU work shut-out to the present day, the
costs of unions doing (and doing in) business could no longer be ignored. Ultimately,
unions lobbied so successfully across the United Sates, that individual
stake-holders pulled up stakes and left to more open states, as local
businesses closed and moved away in turn.

Michigan Governor
Rick "Right to Work" Snyder

The political dominance of the still-stagnant public sector
unions is stalling. Wisconsin Governor Scot Walker’s Act Ten reforms required public
sector unions to recertify every year, removed automatic deduction of dues, and
enforced larger contributions. Michigan Governor Rick Snyder’s right-to-work
legislation, and two successful pension reform initiatives in San Jose and San
Diego, CA, have demonstrated the public’s outrage with union power. This past
February, a Republican councilmember was elected mayor of San Diego, in spite
of heavy financing from public sector unions, too.

Last year, Puget Sound laborers acquiesced to Boeing’s modest
demands, or the company would relocate to one of twenty-four right-to-work
states. Migrant workers in California rejected moves to organize, as did
automobile workers in Chattanooga, Tennessee, since they wanted to avoid ending
up like Detroit, the largest municipal bankruptcy (so far) in US History, largely
because of recalcitrant unions, both public and private (UAW).


Disgruntled laborers, discontented
teachers, and even public sector workers are witnessing the unforeseen
bankruptcies of municipalities, all of which testify to the corruption and
callous indifference of the Modern Labor Movement today. The combined distortions
of strike-threats, collective bargaining, and coerced negotiations have created
more harm than good, against the public good to the private advantage of labor
leaders. The union hall-statehouse corruption-collusion is coming to a bitter
end in the United States, the final death-throws of the Modern Labor Movement.

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